Westernization or Modernization: The Political, Economic and Social Attitudes and Desires of the Post-Khomeini Generation in Iran
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The purpose of this paper is to answer the following question: Does the generation of Iranians born after the 1979 revolution wish to continue living under the system established by Ayatollah Khomeini, or do they wish to modernize (or perhaps westernize) their current political, social, and economic systems? This group is significant because 70% of the population of Iran is under the age of 30, and an amazing 50% is under the age of 21. Research for this paper to consisted of published material, including Internet sources and Iranian Web log sites, all written in English. This paper uses three...
The purpose of this paper is to answer the following question: Does the generation of Iranians born after the 1979 revolution wish to continue living under the system established by Ayatollah Khomeini, or do they wish to modernize (or perhaps westernize) their current political, social, and economic systems? This group is significant because 70% of the population of Iran is under the age of 30, and an amazing 50% is under the age of 21. Research for this paper to consisted of published material, including Internet sources and Iranian Web log sites, all written in English. This paper uses three broad frameworks to examine the attitudes and desires of the post-Khomeini generation in Iran. The three frameworks used are political, economic and social policies. To distinguish between attitudes and desires, the following definitions are used. Attitude defines how the young Iranians feel and desire describes what the young Iranians want. Iran's history, its political structure and the importance of the clerical class in Iran are also examined as background information, necessary to critically examine the issue of attitudes and desires. This paper has four major conclusions. The first is that young Iranians have subordinated their immediate desire for political change for changes in the economic and social policies of Iran. The second conclusion is that any eventual change in the Iranian political system will be evolutionary rather than revolutionary. The third conclusion is that the United States government has little ability to directly influence the attitudes and desires of these young Iranians directly. However, the last conclusion proposes that the United States government can effectively influence these groups indirectly, through the use of three identified leverage points. The leverage points fall into the general groupings of media, economics, and education. Finally, the paper assesses as low the probability that the under-30 generation in Iran will attempt to effe
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