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Right Node Raising and Gapping
Interface conditions on prosodic deletion
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Main description:This book investigates two elliptical coordinations in German, Right Node Raising and Gapping. Ellipsis in both constructions is claimed to be the result of a phonological process which is conditioned by prosodic and focus semantic constraints. It is convincingly argued that Right Node Raising cannot involve raising to the right periphery: The alleged movement freely violates any of the well-known restrictions on syntactic movement and it does not alter the scope relations within the coordination. Gapping in contrast is more sensitive to syntactic conditions in that its remnan...
Main description:
This book investigates two elliptical coordinations in German, Right Node Raising and Gapping. Ellipsis in both constructions is claimed to be the result of a phonological process which is conditioned by prosodic and focus semantic constraints. It is convincingly argued that Right Node Raising cannot involve raising to the right periphery: The alleged movement freely violates any of the well-known restrictions on syntactic movement and it does not alter the scope relations within the coordination. Gapping in contrast is more sensitive to syntactic conditions in that its remnants must be major syntactic constituents. The author carefully examines the close connection between focus and ellipsis in the two constructions. A considered discussion of focus structure demonstrates that the conjuncts are informationally dependent on each other. This co-dependence is also reflected in their particular intonational contour which is argued to be responsible for ellipsis in coordination.
Table of contents:
- Preface
- General overview
- Acknowledgements
- 1. Basic assumptions
- 2. Coordinated structures
- 3. Right Node Raising
- 4. Gapping
- Conclusion
- References
- Name index
- Subject index
This book investigates two elliptical coordinations in German, Right Node Raising and Gapping. Ellipsis in both constructions is claimed to be the result of a phonological process which is conditioned by prosodic and focus semantic constraints. It is convincingly argued that Right Node Raising cannot involve raising to the right periphery: The alleged movement freely violates any of the well-known restrictions on syntactic movement and it does not alter the scope relations within the coordination. Gapping in contrast is more sensitive to syntactic conditions in that its remnants must be major syntactic constituents. The author carefully examines the close connection between focus and ellipsis in the two constructions. A considered discussion of focus structure demonstrates that the conjuncts are informationally dependent on each other. This co-dependence is also reflected in their particular intonational contour which is argued to be responsible for ellipsis in coordination.
Table of contents:
- Preface
- General overview
- Acknowledgements
- 1. Basic assumptions
- 2. Coordinated structures
- 3. Right Node Raising
- 4. Gapping
- Conclusion
- References
- Name index
- Subject index